<피터팩 원고 원문>

Korea once again finds itself mired in corruption scandals. Each week seems to bring a new "gate," but can anyone honestly say they are even remotely surprised by the wave of corruption scandals? Every president since Park Chung-hee has vowed to wipe out this pernicious disease, yet each and every one has failed. I believe the disease is treatable--if the proper steps are taken, both by Korea's leaders and the public more broadly.

The names of the "gates" have changed, but all three branches of government are involved--the Blue House, the National Assembly, the Prosecutor General's Office as well as the organization responsible for protectinng the nation, the National Intelligence Service. If not treated promptly, this breech of public trust could lead to a crisis of confidence in the government. If Koreans cannot trust their own government, how can the rest of the world trust Korea? How high will the "Korea premium" get?

Rather than pointing to a particular person or party, it is the entire system that is in desperate need of change. Simply throwing the latest batch of offenders in jail and reshuffling the cabinet will not solve the problem. Instead, we must find a way to break out of the vicious cycle of collusion and show trials. Only then can Korea flourish politically and economically in the years to come. Even though Korea is almost one of the ten largest economies in the world, Korea ranked 42nd out of 91 countries in Transparency International's latest corruption rankings, virtually unchanged since 1997.

The United States is far from being a paragon of clean government, ranking no higher than 20th on the Transparency International list. American politicians rarely accept bribes outright (although even the Clintons liked gifts), but few have met a campaign contribution that they didn t like. The December 25 Washington Post presents a fascinating case of government-business relations in the United States. In the 12 years prior to declaring the largest bankruptcy in American history, the energy distributor Enron Corp. had given nearly $6 million in campaign contributions, mostly to Republicans, in return for favorable legislation and rule changes. Republicans now find themselves in the awkward position of returning $160,000 in donations made just prior to the company's implosion. Democrats have been trying to pass a campaign finance reform bill in Congress, but lacking an outraged public, they have been blocked at every turn by the Republicans.

Koreans can consider themselves fortunate that their country has not been subjected to the type of kleptocracy that has plagued much of the developing world. Even though Korea in many ways is a model for economic development, corruption has always existed in the shadows. The close ties between government and business (jeongkyeong yuchak) that allowed Korea to grow so quickly is also the wellspring of the current problem. Each government has failed to break this nexus. Nevertheless, the disease is treatable. We must consider the steps that can be taken to wipe out the "Korean Disease" once and for all.

On the political side, Korea's parties must become more democratic and transparent. Instead of professional parties, Korea has groups of individuals vying to be the boss of his or her own fiefdom. Being the boss requires vast sums of money to be distributed to subordinates and run the party. Instituting party primaries both for presidential and National Assembly candidates would take some of that power away and give the public a greater say in who their leaders will be. President Kim opened the door to change by stepping down early as head of the MDP. However, politicians seeking "reform" must ask themselves whether they are undertaking a particular reform for the sake of the nation or to advance their own political careers. In other words, are they trying to eradicate boss politics or just become the boss?

On the bureaucracy side, it is equally important to improve transparency and accountability. The anti-corruption bill passed last summer is an important step in the right direction. Additional steps should be taken, including having senior officials report all meetings held and encouraging and protecting whistle-blowers. In the case of the NIS, now that civilian supremacy has been established, it is time to insulate it from political pressures by having the director approved by the National Assembly and serve for a fixed term. All of the government officials I know would like nothing better than to be professionals free from political pressures.

Even more important than creating new laws and organizations is the even and thorough enforcement of existing laws. Too often when a new administration takes office and pledges to stamp out corruption, the law is used to get revenge over the previous administration. Those in power often act as if the law is wonderful, so long as it doesn't apply to them!

Korea's leaders must set an example, but change must come from both the top and the bottom. The Korean people want a better system, but are they willing to take the steps and pay the price necessary to achieve it? Ultimately, no reform can be successful unless the Korean people are prepared to place rules and the rule of law before blood, regional and school ties. Every individual must ask whether professionalism or personalism will govern their public decisions. Civic groups must also play a more active role as watchdogs. In the United States, groups like the Center for Public Integrity and the Center for Responsive Politics closely monitor the flow of money between businesses and politicians.

If Koreans intend to have their country join the ranks of advanced nations, the "Korean disease" must be cured. I am confident this will happen. The only question is, how long will it take? Time is of the essence.