Ruling camp infighting threatens governing momentum

When politicians decide they dislike one another, even a bow can become a political controversy. Chung Cheong-rae, leader of the ruling Democratic Party of Korea and a key figure in the escalating friction between the party and the presidential office, greeted President Lee Jae-myung with a deep 90-degree bow when Lee returned from Europe on June 18. The gesture immediately drew criticism from pro-Lee lawmakers. Rep. Lee Kun-tae called it "a seriously misguided act," arguing that Lee has never been comfortable with such displays of deference. "Chairman Chung knows that as well as anyone," he said, dismissing the bow as political theater. The fact that a formal greeting could trigger such a dispute showed just how strained relations within the ruling camp have become.

At a news conference on June 8, the day before leaving for Europe, Lee openly voiced frustration with the June 3 local election results overseen by Chung. "I simply cannot understand it," he said. The ruling party won gubernatorial races by a 12-4 margin while Lee's approval rating remained above 60%, yet it still failed to reclaim Seoul. The next day, speculation about Lee's dissatisfaction intensified when he invited Prime Minister Kim Min-seok, Chung's rival within the party, to see him off instead of Chung, who had traditionally filled that role.

Chung, one of the most prominent figures in the party's traditional pro-Roh Moo-hyun and pro-Moon Jae-in camps, opted to meet the criticism head-on. Appearing in public for the first time after keeping a low profile following the election, he remarked on June 10 that "the people are eternal, but administrations are short-lived." He prefaced the comment with praise for Lee as an "irreplaceable president," but that was not the line people remembered. Inside the presidential office, some reacted furiously, interpreting the remark as everything from a call for a party split to a warning aimed at the administration itself.

If the current standoff continues, whoever wins the party leadership on June 17 risks emerging weakened from the outset. The deeper the divisions become, the harder it will be for the administration to maintain momentum after the convention. Government initiatives, no matter how strongly backed by the president, cannot advance without legislative support from the ruling party. Ultimately, the public pays the price.

Even if Kim, the candidate favored by pro-Lee lawmakers, wins the party leadership, concerns will persist because many of the newly elected governors and mayors expected to work alongside Lee were nominated under Chung’s leadership. Some have even warned that a Chung victory could prompt premature talk of lame-duck pressures on an administration still only in its second year.

At its core, the dispute is not simply about control over nominations for the 2028 parliamentary elections. It is a battle over who will shape the political landscape ahead of the 2030 presidential race. That explains a phrase increasingly heard among lawmakers ahead of the party convention: "Whoever loses this fight will end up in the bottom 20% in 2028." The implication is clear. The losing side fears being pushed aside during the next round of candidate nominations. Meanwhile, the divide between the party's traditional pro-Roh and pro-Moon factions and the "New Lee Jae-myung" supporters who make up the president's core political base appears to have reached the point of no return.

Political feuds of this kind rarely end simply because someone calls for restraint. Whether aligned with Lee or his rivals, party figures should compete through results rather than rhetoric. Those who deliver for the public and party members will earn both victory and legitimacy. That is the standard expected of a governing party.