Former President Yoon Suk-yeol’s strategy in his sedition trial appears aimed at undermining those who speak while keeping silent those who do not. Once soldiers began testifying that they had been ordered to drag out lawmakers, Yoon’s legal team focused on discrediting the so-called “speakers.” The strategy, however, has backfired, and previously silent witnesses are now coming forward.
Yoon’s lawyers called Staff Sgt. Lee Min-su, who drove former Defense Command chief Lee Jin-woo’s vehicle during the martial law episode, to the witness stand. The decision followed testimony from a former aide, who said via a secure phone that he heard the president instruct, “Carry one lawmaker out each,” while Lee consistently maintained he had no such memory. However, Staff Sgt. Lee’s testimony defied the defense’s expectations. He said he heard the president’s voice saying, “Shoot them if necessary” and “We can declare martial law again.” When asked why he changed his account, he said, “I was ashamed of myself for having stayed silent.” He is not the only soldier to break his silence.
Faced with an unfavorable trial, many defendants might have changed course, but Yoon pressed harder. When Kwak Jong-geun, the former special forces commander who first revealed the order to remove lawmakers, appeared as a witness, Yoon ended a four-month trial boycott and personally questioned him. He grilled Kwak on live global television, asking whether he would have issued such orders while the session was being broadcast worldwide and whether emergency powers would have been discussed two months before martial law during a gathering where Kwak said he had consumed 10 to 20 bomb shots. Perhaps unable to tolerate being portrayed as a liar, Kwak revealed, “I did not want to say this, but that day you told me to bring Han Dong-hoon to you. You said you would shoot him to death.”
Former Defense Command chief Lee Jin-woo and former Counterintelligence Command chief Yeo In-hyeong, who are expected to testify soon, offer little reassurance for Yoon. Both had been guarded during proceedings at the Constitutional Court, but their positions shifted once they faced trial. Lee ultimately admitted he had been ordered to break down doors and drag out lawmakers. Yeo expressed “deep regret” and said he would “accept corresponding responsibility,” waiving his right to testify in July. That indicated they would not contest testimony unfavorable to Yoon, including statements from witnesses describing orders to arrest politicians. Among them was former National Intelligence Service first deputy director Hong Jang-won, who testified that he was ordered to “round them all up” and received a list of arrest targets including Lee Jae-myung and Han Dong-hoon. His account remains unchallenged. Hong is scheduled to testify on Nov. 13. If Yoon continues to claim he only made “encouraging work calls,” Hong could provide further revelations.
Cho Seong-hyun, commander of the Defense Command’s 1st Security Brigade, who has consistently testified that he received orders to remove lawmakers, recently told the court that he considered fabricating his testimony if the order had not been passed to his subordinates. “I seriously considered lying and claiming it never circulated, but it had already been spread, and it was true," he said. This confirms Kwak’s assertion that the president’s orders were transmitted to subordinates through meeting microphones, making any falsehoods impossible and unacceptable.
This reflects a sober recognition of reality. Yoon alone has avoided facing the truth for nearly a year since the Dec. 3 martial law episode. He has shown no change from the baffling remark he reportedly made to Cabinet members just before martial law, saying, ‘It would not be a big deal once carried out.’ If he continues a strategy that brands subordinates as liars, it will damage his legal case and cement his legacy as a president who lacked courage. A first-instance verdict is expected in January, leaving him little time to come forward with the truth.
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