Intensified polarization amid martial law

A survey on perceptions of polarization, conducted by the East Asia Institute on January 22 and 23 using an online web survey of 1,514 adults, starkly illustrates the political polarization and deepening divisions that have emerged following the December 3 martial law declaration. The widespread political and party-based hostility has worsened compared to the institute's survey conducted four years ago. Among People Power Party supporters, 58.8 percent said they "extremely disliked" the Democratic Party of Korea, an increase from 50.5 percent in the previous survey. Likewise, 69.0 percent of Democratic Party of Korea supporters stated they "extremely disliked" the People Power Party, a sharp rise from 40.8 percent four years ago.

This survey reflects the grim reality of a society deeply divided and plunged into chaos. Growing distrust and attacks on institutions that serve as social pillars, such as the Constitutional Court and the judiciary, have weakened public confidence and fueled partisan hatred. The recent storming of the Seoul Western District Court, which resulted in 62 arrests, was followed by revelations of a planned riot at the Constitutional Court. The shift from verbal criticism to physical force signals that the situation has moved beyond a warning phase. Security for the eight Constitutional Court justices has been reinforced, and live ammunition has even been issued for their protection.

Beyond radical YouTubers, even responsible politicians have begun publicly questioning the backgrounds of Constitutional Court justices, portraying them as members of a particular political faction. In the process, the authority and credibility of the court tasked with interpreting the constitution and assessing the legitimacy of political actions by state institutions have been seriously undermined. It begs the question: what do those destabilizing society's foundations hope to gain?

Political leaders also bear significant responsibility for neglecting their duty of unifying society and acting solely based on political gains and losses, which resulted in the growing polarization and public disillusionment with politics. President Yoon Suk Yeol, following the declaration of martial law, referred to his most ardent supporters as "patriotic citizens" and has acted more like the leader of a political faction than a head of state, being deeply engaged in prison politics. Meanwhile, the Democratic Party of Korea, wielding its overwhelming parliamentary majority, has continued its one-sided approach to governance, showing similar irresponsibility. Before the impeachment, the primary responsibility for political dysfunction lay with the president and the ruling party. However, as the largest party, the Democratic Party of Korea must step up and engage in responsible politics. The fact that its approval ratings have remained stagnant even after the impeachment suggests that the party is now being judged for its past reliance on mere opposition in the shadow of the president.

The following two to three months will likely bring even greater turmoil due to the results of the impeachment trial and its aftermath. This is a moment that demands strong political leadership. At times like these, the distinction between genuine leaders and mere political opportunists becomes clear. It will soon be evident who is truly defending democracy and undermining it.