Lee calls for people-centered constitutional reform

“In the past, the golden time for reform used to last about a year after taking office. These days, it barely lasts six months.”

This remark from a pro-Lee Jae-myung lawmaker of the Democratic Party (DP) reflects the reality of today’s fast-changing public opinion shaped by mobile and internet technology. The so-called convention bounce after a presidential election fades quickly, which means there is urgency to push legislative reforms early.

The party leadership shares this sense of urgency. Floor leader Kim Byung-ki stressed during last month’s leadership race that “the next six months are the golden time for reform.” Party leader hopefuls Jeong Cheong-rae and Park Chan-dae also pledged to complete prosecutorial reform before the Chuseok holiday.

The DP has already begun fast-tracking controversial bills. It passed the “three broadcasting bills,” aimed at restructuring public broadcasting governance, and the “local currency bill,” which mandates government funding for local currencies, through parliamentary committees, overriding strong objections from the opposition People Power Party (PPP). The party also signaled its intent to quickly pass other contentious bills, such as the “yellow envelope bill” and the “four agriculture bills.” These were previously pushed through by the DP during the Yoon Suk-yeol administration, only to be scrapped after the president exercised his veto, triggering intense political clashes.

Yet, even if these are long-awaited reforms, rushing them through without bipartisan agreement raises serious questions about their sustainability. Forcing legislation deepens partisan conflict and leaves no room for cooperation. While this may appease the DP’s support base, it risks alienating moderate and opposition voters, gradually painting the party as arrogant. A greater risk awaits after implementation. If rushed laws lead to complications or backlash, the ruling party alone will bear the political cost.

True reform requires thorough consultation with the opposition to build public consensus. This is also essential to minimize harm or resentment from those affected. Failure to do so may result in legislation of poor quality and prolonged side effects during enforcement. The ruling bloc should take cautionary lessons from past cases, such as the Park Geun-hye administration’s failed labor reform and the Yoon administration’s failed healthcare reform.

If the DP continues clashing with the opposition, nearly two-fifths of the standing committees, which opposition lawmakers chair, could become roadblocks to legislative efforts. For example, bills supporting the “KOSPI 5,000 Project” and fair franchise and agency dealings for small businesses fall under the jurisdiction of the Political Affairs Committee, which is currently led by the opposition. Some DP members are already considering designating these bills for “fast-track” processing, which takes up to 240 days for the Judiciary Committee and up to 330 days for other committees before they can be put to a final vote. This lengthy route runs counter to the ruling party’s stated urgency in reviving the economy and improving livelihoods.

As only the second ruling party since democratization to begin its term with a majority in the National Assembly, the DP must exercise corresponding negotiation skills and leadership. Only by passing bills through bipartisan agreement can it secure political momentum heading into the midterm general elections.

The public has not forgotten the deep political rifts and national turmoil that climaxed under the Yoon administration, including the emergency martial law controversy and the impeachment crisis. Recently, both parties reached an agreement to revise the Commercial Act. The ruling party should also bring the opposition into the prosecutorial reform process. Now is the time for the DP to lead not by force, but with competence and dignity.