The timing of a new South Korean president’s first visit to the United States often draws close attention. The speed with which a summit takes place is seen as a reflection of the new administration’s diplomatic capabilities. Former President Moon Jae-in met then-President Donald Trump in Washington 51 days after taking office. At the time, the Blue House highlighted it as the fastest Korea-U.S. summit following a South Korean presidential inauguration. That record was surpassed in 2022, when President Yoon Suk Yeol held a summit with President Joe Biden just 11 days after taking office, thanks to Biden’s visit to Seoul.
For President Lee Jae-myung, elected in the June 3 election, the stakes are higher than ever. Reestablishing summit diplomacy with Washington and easing economic and security uncertainty are among his top priorities. But recent developments in the United States call into question whether the long-held belief that an earlier visit is always better still applies.
Trump’s diplomatic style has changed markedly since his first term. His approach is now defined by unpredictability, a disregard for established protocols, and public pressure on foreign leaders. He continues to project the image of a strongman. During his first term, many foreign leaders found it effective to appeal to his vanity with visible gestures of success while quietly pursuing their own interests. Some even competed to demonstrate how close they were to him.
This strategy has become less effective during Trump’s second term. A more aggressive “America First” agenda has made negotiations increasingly difficult. Japanese Prime Minister Shigeru Ishiba met with Trump just 18 days after his return to office and pledged a $1 trillion investment, but failed to secure any tariff concessions. Foreign media cited the outcome as evidence that former Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe’s “golden golf club” diplomacy no longer holds sway.
Trump’s former flexibility has also waned. Last month, South African President Cyril Ramaphosa visited Washington and proposed cooperation on rare earth minerals. The summit collapsed when Trump raised allegations of a “white farm genocide” in South Africa, a conspiracy theory circulated by his political base. The chance to address a key U.S. vulnerability in its trade standoff with China was lost. More troubling is that the same hardline MAGA faction, which now holds considerable sway over Trump’s foreign policy, has begun to focus on South Korea. After former U.S. President Bill Clinton visited Seoul last month, MAGA-aligned figures claimed it was linked to Chinese interference in Korea’s election, spreading baseless theories about Korea-China relations.
Trump’s tariff exemption is set to expire July 8, now less than a month away. As expectations grow for expanded strategic flexibility for U.S. Forces Korea, concerns are mounting that Washington may also push for troop reductions and increased defense cost-sharing, particularly around the release of the Pentagon’s National Defense Strategy in August.
These are urgent issues for the new Korean administration, but a quick trip to the United States is not necessarily the answer. The upcoming G7 summit on June 15 and the NATO summit on June 24, both of which Trump is expected to attend, offer alternative platforms for engagement. They present opportunities to rebuild trust and restart summit diplomacy while minimizing political risk. A hasty visit to Washington that fails to produce results could lead to lasting setbacks.
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