People Power Party unveils controversial nomination rules

In the wake of unveiling the People Power Party’s general elections nomination rules, a ruling party member decried the guidelines as overtly favoring individuals closely aligned with President Yoon Suk Yeol. He underscored the stark regional disparities in voter composition across various constituencies, particularly drawing attention to the emergence of candidates affiliated with the Presidential Office and possessing prosecutorial backgrounds in strategic electoral battlegrounds such as Seoul’s Gangnam and the Yeongnam region, currently held by incumbent lawmakers of the People Power Party. The intricate web of these nominations reveals a nuanced electoral strategy.

Within the Seoul metropolitan areas (excluding three precincts in Gangnam), Honam, and Chungcheong regions - dubbed as “tough land” - the electorate is structured with a significant 80 percent representation of ordinary citizens, juxtaposed against a mere 20 percent presence of party members. In stark contrast, in the three Gangnam precincts, Daegu, North Gyeongsang, Busan, Ulsan, and South Gyeongsang, perceived as strongholds for the People Power Party, the electorate is evenly split at 50-50. A lawmaker lamented the departure of innovative thinkers from the party, asserting that only staunch supporters of President Yoon endure. Concerns were raised that this unwavering support base might sway votes toward candidates with ties to the Presidential Office.

The nomination rules, purportedly established with meticulous care, were swiftly implemented in a brief inaugural meeting for three hours and forty minutes. The ruling party’s Nomination Committee heralded this as a groundbreaking and systematic approach, but skeptics argue that such self-laudatory claims hint at a more calculated and potentially manipulative underpinning. Notably, a significant portion of the committee comprises individuals, including Rep. Lee Cheol-gyu, known for their proclivity toward President Yoon, and experts from unrelated fields, raising questions about their familiarity with internal party dynamics and the extent to which diverse opinions were considered.

Having served multiple terms in the National Assembly, a veteran legislator denounced the nomination rules for seemingly targeting incumbent lawmakers for replacement by those favored by the Presidential Office and with prosecutorial backgrounds. Penalties imposed on lawmakers serving more than three terms in the same constituency were criticized as ostensibly designed to shuffle out entrenched figures. However, this appears disingenuous when considering that Kim Moo-seong, a potential seventh-term candidate in Yeongdo, Busan, would face no penalty due to never having served a term in that constituency, exposing the purported commitment to reform as lacking authenticity.

In response to the growing criticism, the ruling party’s interim leader, Han Dong-hoon, asserted that objections were anticipated with introducing new rules. He argued that the real issue would emerge in the event of the non-disclosure of nomination rules or the arbitrary adjustment of rules based on individual circumstances. Some experienced politicians reluctantly acknowledged the need to embrace the revised rules to align with the purported spirit of renovation.

Furthermore, Han’s announcement of Kim Gyeong-ryul as a candidate for the Mapo-Eul constituency in Seoul, challenging the Democratic Party’s Jeong Cheong-rae, was met with widespread objection, perceived as a preferential nomination. This should be a one-time occurrence rather than a precedent for similar nominations in the future.