[Editorial] Korea needs anti-corruption laws

As has been revealed through the suicide of the former bureau director of the Financial Supervisory Service, Chang Rai-Chan, in connection with the Dongbang Mutual Savings and Finance¡¯s illegal loan scandal, such illegalities more often than not involve ties with public officials.

For the purpose of severing such corruptive ties, many citizen groups have -- since long before the outbreak of the current scandal -- called for anti-corruption legislation. However, with disinterest and insincerity of both the ruling and the opposition parties, such hopes look to be dashed.

The Citizens¡¯ Coalition for Anti-Corruption Legislation has presented such legislation to the National Assembly, which had for too long dragged its feet and now has applied fast pressure. The civil organization currently has enlisted 38 organizations including the Women's Association and the Transparency International-Korea, and has garnered signed support of various National Assembly representatives.

By publicizing the names of the representatives who have given their signed support, the civil organization for anti-corruption legislation has obtained the support of 76%, or 208 names, among National Assembly members.

In fact, since the first legislation presented by the civil organizations in 1996, there has followed several occasions of similar anti-corruption legislation. In the same year, the citizens¡¯ groups presented legislation for an anti-corruption investigative agency and a special prosecution investigative policy.

Then in 1999, the current administration and the ruling Millennium Democratic Party presented the anti-corruption legislation to the National Assembly but with the ending of the term of the 15th National Assembly, the proposal was automatically abolished prior to even being reviewed.

While the representatives have insisted that all the ruckus surrounding the adoption of such measures were in the name of the soundness of the special prosecution investigative policy, the actual reason seems to be the narrow-mindedness of the politicians fearing the transparency of the so-called slush funds for political activities.

Especially, the flip-flopping between the camps by the ruling and the opposition parties surrounding the special prosecution legislation looks somewhat similar to the comical Keystone Cops.

The Grand National Party, which was the ruling party four years ago, adamantly opposed the opposition parties¡¯ calls for the adoption of a special prosecutor for the National Assembly. Now, the Millennium Democratic Party, which has become the ruling party, seeks to omit the special prosecution clause, while the Grand National Party has armed itself against such omission. The adoption of the anti-corruption laws seems to be far-off in the horizon due to the partisan nature of the ruling party's policy.

The revision of the civil servant ethical conduct laws requiring the transparency of the wealth and property of all public officials and the ban on their employment following their leaving of their posts has seen slight narrowing of gaps between the government departments in the area of limitation on employment following public service and the stock investment while still on the post.

However, as many have scoffed at and broke the current existing law banning employment in private companies within the two years following retirement from public service, the revision must be strict and forceful.

To sever the link and the symbiotic relationship of corruption of public officials, the National Assembly must be aggressive and forceful concerning the revision of the public official ethical laws, as well as the implementation of anti-corruption legislation. If the National Assembly becomes careless or negligent in this matter, it might beget the accusation of being a partner or accomplice in the corruption.